Wairua Consulting: Publications: Invigorating an Online Civil Society

Andy Williamson, Wairua Consulting
May 2002

There is no such thing as society: There are individual men and women, and there are families. (Thatcher cited in Perelman, 1998, p.34)

Whilst this pearl from Margaret Thatcher might appear extreme, there is perhaps some truth in it. Engagement in traditional community activities has been declining since the 1960s and with it social capital - the resources that communities have available for support, trust, obligation and reciprocity - has fallen as well (Putnam, 2000). So can the emergence of networked technologies and online communities arrest this decline or even reverse the trend? What does new technology mean for citizens wanting to engage in civil society at the beginning of the 21st century? In this paper, I will briefly look at what it takes to create and, perhaps more importantly, sustain a virtual community. I will identify some of the benefits and barriers that exist and then highlight some examples of successful online communities. Before I do this it is important to define community in relation to new technology and the Internet in particular.

Whilst technology does not of itself determine social process it can be seen as "a mediating factor in the complex matrix of interaction between social structures, social actors and their socially constructed tools" (Castells, 1999b, p.1). Information and communication are at the core of human action and the rapid development of new technology-based tools of knowledge generation and information processing have major implications; where society is exposed to such technology it is being fundamentally changed (Hall, 2000). The Internet is not controlled or managed and so it offers the potential to develop social movements and be developed in ways that are appropriate to the needs of such movements.

In order to develop an Internet based environment that supports grass-roots change, it is necessary to encompass the development of localised solutions, where the experiences and aspirations of the community can be harnessed to create an environment of empowerment and learning. Literacy is a critical element and, as Okri (1997, p.60) observes, writing itself is a form of resistance, arguing "writers are dangerous when they tell the truth. Writers are also dangerous when they tell lies." Yet success in the networked world is dependent on being literate not only in the traditional sense but also in terms of the new technologies (Hall, 2000).

Language and culture are key elements and the online environment is immersed in the culture of the community that it serves (Castells, 1999b). It is important to understand what constitutes an online community, or social movement, and how this relates to physical communities. Rheingold (1994) describes a virtual community much as Bourdieu defined a physical community (Lawley, 1994). He sees virtual communities as existing beyond time and space but based on a common agenda or set of beliefs, a definition supported by Castells (1999a). Rheingold also chooses to adopt Habermas' theory of communicative action (Habermas, 1987) when he states that all social action within the virtual community assumes a basic set of norms and that these norms hold that participants fully express their opinions but must respect the outcome of open rational argument.

The Internet has the potential to build bonds that transcend the virtual and develop in the physical world. Castells (1999a) argues that sociability on the Internet is both weak and strong, depending on the people, content and relationships. He argues that the electronic world does not exist in a vacuum and that it requires some reference to the physical and social worlds of its participants. Although Glogoff (2001), Rheingold (1994) and Castells (1999a) observe that the Internet can enhance community by removing boundaries of space and time, Glogoff cautions that communication richness is directly related to the richness of the medium. He observed that online communication is not as rich as face-to-face communication, nor is it as personal, trusting or friendly.

It is also worth noting, as Castells (1999a) does, that traditional sources of exclusion are duplicated on the Internet. The challenge, therefore, becomes one of ensuring equality of access whilst at the same time tackling the consequences of marginalisation and underdevelopment (Hall, 2000). Unfortunately access to the Internet is unevenly biased in favour of developed countries and, within these, the middle and upper classes of the urban centres (Arnum, 1999). Barriers to access for many include cost and both the quality and capacity of the telecommunications network and infrastructure. In addition to physical barriers, attempts are also being made to control the flow of information:

The Internet is in danger of becoming yet another instrument of cultural and political hegemony. It's not unfeasible that like its forebear, the newspaper, the Internet will metamorphose into a forum for maintaining the political status quo (Ni hEilidhe, 1998, p.1).

The elevation of both the individual and of the free-market have left in their wake an underclass that does not have the opportunities, knowledge or access to resources (ALICE, 1998). Goslee (1998) discusses the affordability of access to ICT and particularly the Internet in low-income urban and rural communities in the US, concluding that new technologies are in fact aggravating the divide between rich and poor. Hall (2000) agrees, observing that deprivation of access to ICT results in a failure to become technological literate, which is a key factor for success in an Information Society. Those who are already marginalized are becoming even more so because they are unable to access the new technologies available to wealthier communities (Goslee, 1998).

At a macro level, governments transitioning to an online model must recognise the role of the citizen in defining services and that "a key success factor in achieving effective e-government is for all citizens to have access to technology as well as the necessary skills to exploit its use" (Office of the e-Envoy, 2001a, p.1). However, as the British Government goes on to observe, access and education are not enough and governments must "solicit and indeed value citizens' feedback in order to develop good policy and services at all levels" (Office of the e-Envoy, 2001b, p.1). Yet perhaps the best examples of the effectiveness of new ICT's lie outside of formal organisational structures. The effectiveness of the Internet within an activist community driven by technologically literate participants is exemplified by its key role in promoting and supporting environmental activism. White (1999) observes that the environmental movement was one of the first to use the Internet as a medium for activism and that the success of campaigns in this medium have been partly due to the low cost involved. The Internet is valuable as a counter-hegemonic and overtly political tool. The role played by new technologies in fostering the rising tide of anti-globalisation protests was the subject of a report from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (2000, p.5), who reviewed the impact and logistics of demonstrations at recent international summits. They observed that both the Internet and mobile phones were key tools in the organisation of such actions. The report described the Internet as "creating the foundation for dramatic change." It noted that the Internet was being used to plan, communicate and manage logistics and that:

The Internet has breathed new life into the anarchist philosophy, permitting communication and coordination without the need for a central source of command, and facilitating coordinated actions with minimal resources and bureaucracy. (Canadian Security Intelligence Service, 2000, p.5)

The Internet as a medium directly allows hegemonies to be challenged; it is at the frontier of where the norms can be subverted. Wakeford (2000) describes how a "cyberqueer" culture successfully inhabits cyberspace, subverting and challenging the norms of heterosexuality, utilising newsgroups, chat rooms, websites and email. The Internet is used as both a support network and as a tool for proactively establishing a queer identity that challenges stereotypical views of sexuality and sexual orientation and which is itself a direct mirror of physical-world queer culture (Woodland, 2000). A fundamental requirement in the establishment of any community is the creation of a safe place. This is similar in concept to the 'third space' envisioned by Oldenburg (1991) and which Rheingold (1994) adopts to describe virtual communities, seeing them as distinct from work or home and characterised by a regular clientele who exhibit a tendency to act less seriously than in the other two spheres. This third space is somewhere that participants can be themselves and can be expressive. In cyberqueer culture, as Woodland (2000, p.418) observes, such communities combine the "connected sociality of the public space with the anonymity of the closet" and hence the Internet presents the individual with the opportunity to transform the tension between private and public, emerging from a "shameful secret to a public affirmation" in a safe and supportive environment.

Of course, participation is a key pre-requisite for the success of any community and research indicates that the cognitive structure of the individual limits their will and capacity to assimilate information systematically (Bimber, 1998). In other words, attention remains focused on a few key issues to the near exclusion of others. Whilst the Internet changes the capacity and quantity of information that is available, Bimber (1998, p.138) asserts that "it is not yet clear that it will also change motivation and interest, let alone cognitive capacity." Verba, Scholzman and Brady (cited in Bimber, 1998) observe that participation in the political process is dependent on the capacity and the motivation of the individual. On the Internet, just as in traditional communities, citizens must be motivated if they are to participate.

References

ALICE. (1998). The role of new technology in European non-formal adult education. Brussels, Belguim: Adult Learning Information Centre Europe.
Arnum, E. (1999). Internet topology and connectivity in the Americas. Brasília, Brazil: Inter-American Biodiversity Information Network.
Bimber, B. (1998). The Internet and political transformation: Populism, community and accelerated pluralism. Polity, XXXI(1), 133-160.
Canadian Security Intelligence Service. (2000). Anti-globalization: A spreading phenomena (2000/08). Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Security Intelligence Service.
Castells, M. (1999a). Materials for an exploratory theory of the network society [WWW]. University of Berkelely. Retrieved September 11, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.chet.org.za/castells/networksoc.html
Castells, M. (1999b). The social implications of information and communication technologies. In UNESCO (Ed.), World social science report. New York: UNESCO.
Glogoff, S. (2001). Virtual connections: Community bonding on the Internet. First Monday, 6(3).
Goslee, S. (1998). Losing ground bit by bit: Low-income communities in the information age. Washington, DC: Benton Foundation.
Habermas, J. (1987). The theory of communicative action. Lifeworld and system: A critique of functionalist reason (T. McCarthy, Trans. Vol. 2). Boston, MA: Beacon.
Hall, M. (2000). Realizing the virtual hamburger: Education and the margins of the network society [WWW]. University of Cape Town. Retrieved September 7, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.chet.org.za/debates/MartinHall.html
Lawley, E. L. (1994). The sociology of culture in computer-mediated communication: An initial exploration [WWW]. Elizabeth Lawley. Retrieved October 2, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.itcs.com/elawley/bourdieu.html
Ni hEilidhe, S. (1998). The Emperor's New Clothes? [WWW]. Dublin, Ireland: Nua Ltd. Retrieved April 1, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.nua.ie/surveys/analysis/weekly_editorial/archives/issue1no14.html
Office of the e-Envoy. (2001a). International benchmarking report: Case studies of e-government services: Accessibility to IT and information [WWW]. HM Government Cabinet Office. Retrieved Mar 16, 2002, from the World Wide Web: www.e-envoy.gov.uk/publications/reports/benchmarkingV2/access_intro.htm
Office of the e-Envoy. (2001b). International benchmarking report: Case studies of e-government services: e-Democracy [WWW]. HM Government Cabinet Office. Retrieved Mar 16, 2002, from the World Wide Web: http://www.e-envoy.gov.uk/publications/reports/benchmarkingV2/edemo_intro.htm
Okri, B. (1997). A way of being free. London: Phoenix House.
Oldenburg, R. (1991). The great good place: Cafés, coffee shops, community centers, beauty parlors, general stores, bars, hangouts, and how they get you through the day. New York, NY: Paragon.
Perelman, M. (1998). Class warfare in the information age. New York, NY: St Martins Press.
Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Rheingold, H. (1994). The virtual community. London: Minerva.
Wakeford, N. (2000). Cyberqueer. In D. Bell & B. M. Kennedy (Eds.), The cybercultures reader (pp. 403-415). New York: Routledge.
White, C. (1999). Environmental activism and the Internet. Unpublished MA thesis, Massey University, Albany, NZ.
Woodland, R. (2000). Queer spaces, modem boys and pagan statues: Gay/lesbian identity and the construction of cyberspace. In D. Bell & B. M. Kennedy (Eds.), The cybercultures reader (pp. 403-415). New York: Routledge.

wairua » publications » egovernment Andy Williamson, Wairua Consulting May 2002 There is no such thing as society: There are individual men and women, and there are families. (Thatcher cited in Perelman, 1998, p.34) Whilst this pearl from Margaret Thatcher might appear extreme, there is perhaps some truth in it. Engagement in traditional community activities has been declining since the 1960s and with it social capital - the resources that communities have available for support, trust, obligation and reciprocity - has fallen as well (Putnam, 2000). So can the emergence of networked technologies and online communities arrest this decline or even reverse the trend? What does new technology mean for citizens wanting to engage in civil society at the beginning of the 21st century? In this paper, I will briefly look at what it takes to create and, perhaps more importantly, sustain a virtual community. I will identify some of the benefits and barriers that exist and then highlight some examples of successful online communities. Before I do this it is important to define community in relation to new technology and the Internet in particular. Whilst technology does not of itself determine social process it can be seen as "a mediating factor in the complex matrix of interaction between social structures, social actors and their socially constructed tools" (Castells, 1999b, p.1). Information and communication are at the core of human action and the rapid development of new technology-based tools of knowledge generation and information processing have major implications; where society is exposed to such technology it is being fundamentally changed (Hall, 2000). The Internet is not controlled or managed and so it offers the potential to develop social movements and be developed in ways that are appropriate to the needs of such movements. In order to develop an Internet based environment that supports grass-roots change, it is necessary to encompass the development of localised solutions, where the experiences and aspirations of the community can be harnessed to create an environment of empowerment and learning. Literacy is a critical element and, as Okri (1997, p.60) observes, writing itself is a form of resistance, arguing "writers are dangerous when they tell the truth. Writers are also dangerous when they tell lies." Yet success in the networked world is dependent on being literate not only in the traditional sense but also in terms of the new technologies (Hall, 2000). Language and culture are key elements and the online environment is immersed in the culture of the community that it serves (Castells, 1999b). It is important to understand what constitutes an online community, or social movement, and how this relates to physical communities. Rheingold (1994) describes a virtual community much as Bourdieu defined a physical community (Lawley, 1994). He sees virtual communities as existing beyond time and space but based on a common agenda or set of beliefs, a definition supported by Castells (1999a). Rheingold also chooses to adopt Habermas' theory of communicative action (Habermas, 1987) when he states that all social action within the virtual community assumes a basic set of norms and that these norms hold that participants fully express their opinions but must respect the outcome of open rational argument. The Internet has the potential to build bonds that transcend the virtual and develop in the physical world. Castells (1999a) argues that sociability on the Internet is both weak and strong, depending on the people, content and relationships. He argues that the electronic world does not exist in a vacuum and that it requires some reference to the physical and social worlds of its participants. Although Glogoff (2001), Rheingold (1994) and Castells (1999a) observe that the Internet can enhance community by removing boundaries of space and time, Glogoff cautions that communication richness is directly related to the richness of the medium. He observed that online communication is not as rich as face-to-face communication, nor is it as personal, trusting or friendly. It is also worth noting, as Castells (1999a) does, that traditional sources of exclusion are duplicated on the Internet. The challenge, therefore, becomes one of ensuring equality of access whilst at the same time tackling the consequences of marginalisation and underdevelopment (Hall, 2000). Unfortunately access to the Internet is unevenly biased in favour of developed countries and, within these, the middle and upper classes of the urban centres (Arnum, 1999). Barriers to access for many include cost and both the quality and capacity of the telecommunications network and infrastructure. In addition to physical barriers, attempts are also being made to control the flow of information: The Internet is in danger of becoming yet another instrument of cultural and political hegemony. It's not unfeasible that like its forebear, the newspaper, the Internet will metamorphose into a forum for maintaining the political status quo (Ni hEilidhe, 1998, p.1). The elevation of both the individual and of the free-market have left in their wake an underclass that does not have the opportunities, knowledge or access to resources (ALICE, 1998). Goslee (1998) discusses the affordability of access to ICT and particularly the Internet in low-income urban and rural communities in the US, concluding that new technologies are in fact aggravating the divide between rich and poor. Hall (2000) agrees, observing that deprivation of access to ICT results in a failure to become technological literate, which is a key factor for success in an Information Society. Those who are already marginalized are becoming even more so because they are unable to access the new technologies available to wealthier communities (Goslee, 1998). At a macro level, governments transitioning to an online model must recognise the role of the citizen in defining services and that "a key success factor in achieving effective e-government is for all citizens to have access to technology as well as the necessary skills to exploit its use" (Office of the e-Envoy, 2001a, p.1). However, as the British Government goes on to observe, access and education are not enough and governments must "solicit and indeed value citizens' feedback in order to develop good policy and services at all levels" (Office of the e-Envoy, 2001b, p.1). Yet perhaps the best examples of the effectiveness of new ICT's lie outside of formal organisational structures. The effectiveness of the Internet within an activist community driven by technologically literate participants is exemplified by its key role in promoting and supporting environmental activism. White (1999) observes that the environmental movement was one of the first to use the Internet as a medium for activism and that the success of campaigns in this medium have been partly due to the low cost involved. The Internet is valuable as a counter-hegemonic and overtly political tool. The role played by new technologies in fostering the rising tide of anti-globalisation protests was the subject of a report from the Canadian Security Intelligence Service (2000, p.5), who reviewed the impact and logistics of demonstrations at recent international summits. They observed that both the Internet and mobile phones were key tools in the organisation of such actions. The report described the Internet as "creating the foundation for dramatic change." It noted that the Internet was being used to plan, communicate and manage logistics and that: The Internet has breathed new life into the anarchist philosophy, permitting communication and coordination without the need for a central source of command, and facilitating coordinated actions with minimal resources and bureaucracy. (Canadian Security Intelligence Service, 2000, p.5) The Internet as a medium directly allows hegemonies to be challenged; it is at the frontier of where the norms can be subverted. Wakeford (2000) describes how a "cyberqueer" culture successfully inhabits cyberspace, subverting and challenging the norms of heterosexuality, utilising newsgroups, chat rooms, websites and email. The Internet is used as both a support network and as a tool for proactively establishing a queer identity that challenges stereotypical views of sexuality and sexual orientation and which is itself a direct mirror of physical-world queer culture (Woodland, 2000). A fundamental requirement in the establishment of any community is the creation of a safe place. This is similar in concept to the 'third space' envisioned by Oldenburg (1991) and which Rheingold (1994) adopts to describe virtual communities, seeing them as distinct from work or home and characterised by a regular clientele who exhibit a tendency to act less seriously than in the other two spheres. This third space is somewhere that participants can be themselves and can be expressive. In cyberqueer culture, as Woodland (2000, p.418) observes, such communities combine the "connected sociality of the public space with the anonymity of the closet" and hence the Internet presents the individual with the opportunity to transform the tension between private and public, emerging from a "shameful secret to a public affirmation" in a safe and supportive environment. Of course, participation is a key pre-requisite for the success of any community and research indicates that the cognitive structure of the individual limits their will and capacity to assimilate information systematically (Bimber, 1998). In other words, attention remains focused on a few key issues to the near exclusion of others. Whilst the Internet changes the capacity and quantity of information that is available, Bimber (1998, p.138) asserts that "it is not yet clear that it will also change motivation and interest, let alone cognitive capacity." Verba, Scholzman and Brady (cited in Bimber, 1998) observe that participation in the political process is dependent on the capacity and the motivation of the individual. On the Internet, just as in traditional communities, citizens must be motivated if they are to participate. References ALICE. (1998). The role of new technology in European non-formal adult education. Brussels, Belguim: Adult Learning Information Centre Europe. Arnum, E. (1999). Internet topology and connectivity in the Americas. Brasília, Brazil: Inter-American Biodiversity Information Network. Bimber, B. (1998). The Internet and political transformation: Populism, community and accelerated pluralism. Polity, XXXI(1), 133-160. Canadian Security Intelligence Service. (2000). Anti-globalization: A spreading phenomena (2000/08). Ottawa, Ont: Canadian Security Intelligence Service. Castells, M. (1999a). Materials for an exploratory theory of the network society [WWW]. University of Berkelely. Retrieved September 11, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.chet.org.za/castells/networksoc.html Castells, M. (1999b). The social implications of information and communication technologies. In UNESCO (Ed.), World social science report. New York: UNESCO. Glogoff, S. (2001). Virtual connections: Community bonding on the Internet. First Monday, 6(3). Goslee, S. (1998). Losing ground bit by bit: Low-income communities in the information age. Washington, DC: Benton Foundation. Habermas, J. (1987). The theory of communicative action. Lifeworld and system: A critique of functionalist reason (T. McCarthy, Trans. Vol. 2). Boston, MA: Beacon. Hall, M. (2000). Realizing the virtual hamburger: Education and the margins of the network society [WWW]. University of Cape Town. Retrieved September 7, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.chet.org.za/debates/MartinHall.html Lawley, E. L. (1994). The sociology of culture in computer-mediated communication: An initial exploration [WWW]. Elizabeth Lawley. Retrieved October 2, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.itcs.com/elawley/bourdieu.html Ni hEilidhe, S. (1998). The Emperor's New Clothes? [WWW]. Dublin, Ireland: Nua Ltd. Retrieved April 1, 2000, from the World Wide Web: www.nua.ie/surveys/analysis/weekly_editorial/archives/issue1no14.html Office of the e-Envoy. (2001a). International benchmarking report: Case studies of e-government services: Accessibility to IT and information [WWW]. HM Government Cabinet Office. Retrieved Mar 16, 2002, from the World Wide Web: www.e-envoy.gov.uk/publications/reports/benchmarkingV2/access_intro.htm Office of the e-Envoy. (2001b). International benchmarking report: Case studies of e-government services: e-Democracy [WWW]. HM Government Cabinet Office. Retrieved Mar 16, 2002, from the World Wide Web: http://www.e-envoy.gov.uk/publications/reports/benchmarkingV2/edemo_intro.htm Okri, B. (1997). A way of being free. London: Phoenix House. Oldenburg, R. (1991). The great good place: Cafés, coffee shops, community centers, beauty parlors, general stores, bars, hangouts, and how they get you through the day. New York, NY: Paragon. Perelman, M. (1998). Class warfare in the information age. New York, NY: St Martins Press. Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling alone: The collapse and revival of American Community. New York: Simon & Schuster. Rheingold, H. (1994). The virtual community. London: Minerva. Wakeford, N. (2000). Cyberqueer. In D. Bell & B. M. Kennedy (Eds.), The cybercultures reader (pp. 403-415). New York: Routledge. White, C. (1999). Environmental activism and the Internet. Unpublished MA thesis, Massey University, Albany, NZ. Woodland, R. (2000). Queer spaces, modem boys and pagan statues: Gay/lesbian identity and the construction of cyberspace. In D. Bell & B. M. Kennedy (Eds.), The cybercultures reader (pp. 403-415). New York: Routledge. Copyright © 2002 Wairua Consulting. All rights reserved.
wairua » publications » invigorating an online civil society	« back

wairua consulting » strategy \| research \| technology \| training \| publications \| about \| contact Copyright 1997-2005 Wairua Consulting. All rights reserved. PO Box-60-517, Titirangi, Waitakere City, Aotearoa/New Zealand.


strategy \| research \| technology \| training \| publications \| about \| contact	« back